United States of America: Commander in Chief Joe Biden


United States of America: Commander in Chief Joe Biden

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Joffa wrote:


Trump says he could ‘shoot somebody’ and his fans would still love him

January 24, 20169:51am

Staff writers with AP,news.com.au

ASPIRING US president Donald Trump says his supporters are so loyal they would stick by him even if he shot somebody.

The billionaire businessman, who is currently the frontrunner for the Republican nomination for president, made the comments just nine days out from the Iowa caucuses opening voting in the 2016 campaign.

“I could stand in the middle of Fifth Avenue and shoot somebody, and I wouldn’t lose any voters, OK?” Trump told an enthusiastic audience during a campaign rally at a Christian school in Sioux Center, Iowa. “It’s, like, incredible.”

Trump’s comments come as the debate about gun violence heightens in America following several highly publicised mass shootings.

Last month, 14 people were killed when two shooters opened fire in San Bernardino, California.

Trump, a supporter of the Second Amendment, has slammed US president Barack Obama for his use of executive orders to expand background checks on people who buy guns.

During the campaign rally, Trump also contrasted himself with rivals such as Texas senator Ted Cruz, his most serious challenger in the state, and went after conservative radio host Glenn Beck, who will be appearing at two rallies with Cruz.

He bashed Beck as a “loser” and “sad sack” and said former Alaska governor Sarah Palin’s endorsement, secured for Trump a few days earlier, was more important than if Beck had backed him.

Beck is among nearly two dozen conservative thinkers who penned anti-Trump essays for National Review magazine — a hit Trump to referred to repeatedly at the rally.

Another Republican candidate, Florida senator Marco Rubio, started a dash to the caucuses at Iowa State University in Ames, where he stressed that he represents the next generation of conservative leadership.

“Complaining and being frustrated alone will not be enough,” Rubio said. “It has to be someone who tells you exactly what they are going to do as president.”

Polls show Cruz and Trump leading in the state, but Rubio recently stepped up his Iowa campaign appearances in hopes of breaking into the top tier of candidates and putting himself in a stronger position for New Hampshire’s February 9 primary.

http://www.news.com.au/world/north-america/trump-says-he-could-shoot-somebody-and-his-fans-would-still-love-him/news-story/bb3319b82146c46a472ba48912ec4029

Da faq. He clearly is just deluded now.
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“I could stand in the middle of Fifth Avenue and shoot somebody, and I wouldn’t lose any voters, OK?” Trump told an enthusiastic audience during a campaign rally at a Christian school in Sioux Center, Iowa. “It’s, like, incredible.”


So where do these Christians stand on the Ten Commandments?
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Joffa wrote:
Quote:
“I could stand in the middle of Fifth Avenue and shoot somebody, and I wouldn’t lose any voters, OK?” Trump told an enthusiastic audience during a campaign rally at a Christian school in Sioux Center, Iowa. “It’s, like, incredible.”


So where do these Christians stand on the Ten Commandments?

He's the single greatest troll ever.
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Update from 2 weeks ago. Coloured numbers are updates

Iowa
February 1st

Republicans
Cruz 30.8 26.2
Trump 26.8 28.7
Rubio 12.0 11.0
Carson 9.0 8.8
Bush 5.2 5.0
Huckabee 2.8 3.0
Paul 2.8 3.2
Christie 2.6 3.2
Fiorina 2.0 2.0
Kasich 1.6 2.8
Santorum 0.8 1.0

Democrats
Clinton 49.8 47.9
Sanders 37.3 41.5
O'Malley 6.3 5.5

New Hampshire
9th February

Republicans
Trump 29.4 32.0
Rubio 13.4 10.0
Cruz 11.2 11.4
Kasich 10.2 13.4
Christie 10.0 8.4
Bush 8.8 8.2
Carson 4.6 2.6
Fiorina 4.2 4.2
Paul 4.0 4.2
Santorum 0.8 0.8
Huckabee 0.4 0.8

Democrats
Sanders 48.2 51.6
Clinton 43.6 39.8
O'Malley 2.4 2.6

Nevada
20th February for Democrats, 23rd for Republicans (Polls are outdated)

Republicans
Trump 33
Cruz 20
Rubio 11
Carson 6
Fiorina 5
Christie 5
Bush 5
Paul 1
Huckabee 0
Kasich 0

Democrats
Clinton 50.0
Sanders 30.5

South Carolina
27th for Democrats, 20th for Republicans

Republicans
Trump 33.0 35.0
Cruz 22.0 20.5
Rubio 12.0 11.5
Carson 9.5 9.0
Bush 8.5 10.0
Paul 3.5 3.0
Christie 3.5 2.5
Fiorina 3.0 2.0
Katich 1.5 2.5
Huckabee 1.5 1.5
Santorum 0.5 0.5

Democrats
Clinton 66.0
Sanders 26.0
O'Malley 2.5



Ive done this twice now and both times in every state Bernie has gone up and Hillary down. Just goes to show name recognition counts. I feel NH is basically in the bag for him but he will need to win Iowa to keep his momentum going into other states.

On the republican side its gonna be the Trump show until others start dropping out. From the establishment side, Rubio, Kasich, Bush and Christie, I don't see any of them dropping out until after NH. Santorum, Huckabee and Carson will probably drop out after Iowa, Fiorina will after the debates are done and she's finished attacking Hillary and Paul will continue his sad campaign for a while. By March I expect between 3 and 5 candidates left

Edited by tbitm: 24/1/2016 08:58:44 PM
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The Donald Trump spectacle gives Australia a nightmarish vision of things to come

Katharine Murphy

Alienation and disaffection is fuelling the Trump and Sanders insurgencies in the US. Australia risks sleepwalking into the same ornery place unless the weaknesses in its political system are fixed

Sunday 24 January 2016 17.11 AEDT Last modified on Sunday 24 January 2016 17.13 AEDT

Trump and Palin may be funny. But they are no joke

Donald Trump grows ever stranger, and the Larry David impersonator Bernie Sanders, the protest candidate, is encroaching on the “inevitability” of Hillary Clinton – a woman who has prepared her entire life to be president, and speaks like a politician who will know how to navigate the complexities of “politics as it is” because of her high-level professional experience.

Clinton’s current tone of informed realpolitik would normally be a strength in the context of an election contest. Tidy and nuanced answers, which reference the realities of governing, are generally considered a plus.

But somehow, all that down-to-the-fine-print ballast is presenting, at least in this early primaries stage, as a weakness for Clinton. She sounds like part of the system, because she is part of the system. She is a creature, (and given the dynastic overtones, possibly the creature) or embodiment of the status quo.

The primaries sideshow is, as I’ve noted, enormous fun, and I don’t want to curtail anyone’s viewing pleasure.

But we really need to sift through the colour and movement if we are to understand that our groaning banquet of passing strange is actually a function of a deep malaise at the heart of the US political system.

Americans are looking at their system and pronouncing it an ass. The desire for something else – anything else – is fuelling both the Trump and Sanders insurgencies. It might all fizzle, but right now, alienation and disaffection is set at rolling boil.

Sanders has, through his campaign, worked to both voice and validate the concerns of progressive voters that money has a lock on the legislators in Washington DC. Money and rent-seekers first, people second.

While Clinton continues to grapple gamely with politics as it is, Sanders talks about the possibility of another politics entirely, and his dogged discipline with that core, mildly utopian message, ensures the message cuts through.

Over on the right, Trump, the billionaire plutocrat, has managed to style himself as the anti-establishment candidate.

I won’t seek to analyse the how’s and why’s of that – journalists and commentators in America have already written extensively on the intricacies of the Trump phenomenon with more insight and depth and elegance than I could possibly offer from my distant and far less well informed perch.

But it’s fair to say Trump is busy telling voters that he doesn’t need to play by Washington’s rules because he has his own resources. He won’t owe any favours. He won’t need to bend to special interests because he’s not part of the architecture. He’s completely independent.

Most of what Trump says is irrational and mendacious, but his projection of structural independence is merely mildly mendacious, a politician’s pugnacious overstatement, not a lie.

So how can we summarise these intersecting roads? The notion that politics in Washington could be different is proving compelling, at least at this point in the cycle, with voters on both the left and the right. Americans may not agree on very much, but it seems they can agree on that.

Now we get to the part of the Dispatch where I say all the obvious things. America is not Australia. The system of government in America differs from our system of government in many important respects.

Australians have not lived through a visceral experience like the impacts of the financial crisis – a catastrophic failure of regulation that has been followed by only the most limited of corrective actions on the part of government and regulators.

We have not lived inside a system where the most inexcusable societal inequality can be rationalised by adherence to “the American dream”.

Being a rising middle power, we have not had to manage the cultural anxiety that the era of American exceptionalism is now over.

We don’t have to contemplate soul-searching about why the great 20th century superpower has turned in on itself and become almost ungovernable in the new century, largely because of the institutionalised idiocy of a political system that has Balkanised into hyper-partisanship deployed for its own sake, not for any greater end.

Given recent history, green shoots of economic recovery notwithstanding, it is entirely rational for Americans to look at their system and feel either fear or boiling rage.

In Australia, our institutional failures are smaller in scale.

We had a Labor government content to cannibalise itself in front of the voters for reasons that remain incomprehensible, and more than mildly disconcerting, a portent of structural instability at the core of one of Australia’s oldest parties of government.

We’ve survived the Dumb and Dumber era of Tony Abbott – which was mainly just painful to watch, but did actually result in one legislative action that was entirely against Australia’s national interest, the repeal of a perfectly functional carbon price.

That repeal happened because of the Abbott government’s deep dive into “truthy” at the expense of facts and reason and science and evidence-based policy, and because carbon-intensive industries that prance about in boom times fancying themselves more powerful than democratically elected governments really wanted to forestall the inevitability of mandated carbon constraint for a few more years.

Not the Wall Street atrocity, but not good, either.

Apart from those specific examples, looking more broadly at the architecture, our system looks strong, but is actually weak, and nobody much seems interested in making it stronger.

Australian politics, like American politics, is obsessed with money. Same obsession, just smaller in scale. Our donations and disclosure system is little better than a joke, and every call for a national integrity body gets buried.

This year is an election year. The prime minister, to his credit, is inclined to pursue a reform agenda. Yet there is a rapid-set smugness at the major party level about matters of political reform. I can’t see much broad-based momentum for soul-searching. And we need the soul-searching to ensure we don’t sleepwalk into the same ornery place the US is in this election cycle.

That means extending the conversation about ending the age of entitlement beyond Joe Hockey’s ultimately inconsequential finger-waggling at the public – it requires Australian politicians to grapple with concrete steps to end their own age of entitlement.

It would necessitate reforms that not only strengthen accountability, but also reassert the fact that parliament exists to serve the people.

It requires a deep think about the current health of representative democracy, and whether or not we can take steps to bring communities into politics to give more input, without undermining the structural strength which is delivered in our political system through the application of major party discipline.

As well as thinking about reforming the economy, ensuring that our fiscal house is order, that we have the right drivers for economic growth, that we are living sustainably in the environmental sense, and governing for the future, politics also needs to grapple with fundamental questions of integrity: can voters have faith in the system that exists now, or do we need to buttress the foundations?

Otherwise our political party game beamed live from the US is less summer spectacle, and more harbinger of our own, collective nightmare.

http://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2016/jan/24/the-donald-trump-spectacle-gives-australia-a-nightmarish-vision-of-things-to-come

Edited by Joffa: 24/1/2016 09:15:19 PM
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Wow, convincing article by The Guardian.
Maybe I should be throwing my support behind Hillary Clinton now. :)
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Really good article explaining the Trump phenomenon. A long-ish read but gives a great explanation.

Essentially he is the result of an internal class war between the republican elites and their white working class, low-skill voting base.

http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2016/01/the-great-republican-revolt/419118/



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AzzaMarch wrote:
Really good article explaining the Trump phenomenon. A long-ish read but gives a great explanation.

Essentially he is the result of an internal class war between the republican elites and their white working class, low-skill voting base.

http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2016/01/the-great-republican-revolt/419118/


I'll read it later, but I think Trump is more a result of being the leader in the backlash against political correctness.
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AzzaMarch wrote:
Really good article explaining the Trump phenomenon. A long-ish read but gives a great explanation.

Essentially he is the result of an internal class war between the republican elites and their white working class, low-skill voting base.

http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2016/01/the-great-republican-revolt/419118/




That's it.

He uses a nationalist populist platform to appeal to the working class white voters who have been left behind by globalisation, whereas his competitors offer more of the same - job offshoring, corporate welfare, H1b's (457's here) and low skill immigration from places like Mexico to drive down wages.



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11.mvfc.11 wrote:
Bring it home, Trumpy.


I want it to happen just to watch looney left tossers like mrags and trident implode.


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433 wrote:
AzzaMarch wrote:
Really good article explaining the Trump phenomenon. A long-ish read but gives a great explanation.

Essentially he is the result of an internal class war between the republican elites and their white working class, low-skill voting base.

http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2016/01/the-great-republican-revolt/419118/



That's it.

He uses a nationalist populist platform to appeal to the working class white voters who have been left behind by globalisation, whereas his competitors offer more of the same - job offshoring, corporate welfare, H1b's (457's here) and low skill immigration from places like Mexico to drive down wages.


I think on balance that globalisation is positive economically overall, as is immigration. However, the people that are voting for Trump are in the cohort of people that see the least of the benefits, and are on the receiving end of the costs.

Interestingly, they are generally pro-increasing taxes on the rich, which surprised me. They seem to be the type of people that would have voted Democrat in the past as they would likely have been unionised factory workers etc. But are now culturally alienated from the Democrats.

The bottom line of the article is that in a general election they are likely to get slaughtered.

The other interesting part was the questioning the value of the presidency overall, given the republican stranglehold on state legislatures and governorships.

Seems like the Republicans will continue to split at a national level.
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tbitm wrote:
AzzaMarch wrote:
Really good article explaining the Trump phenomenon. A long-ish read but gives a great explanation.

Essentially he is the result of an internal class war between the republican elites and their white working class, low-skill voting base.

http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2016/01/the-great-republican-revolt/419118/


I'll read it later, but I think Trump is more a result of being the leader in the backlash against political correctness.


I think that is only at a superficial level true. The deeper thing is that he is the anti-politician. People like that he is outrageous, they don't necessarily agree with what he is saying.

His comments go far far beyond being politically correct.
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AzzaMarch wrote:
tbitm wrote:
AzzaMarch wrote:
Really good article explaining the Trump phenomenon. A long-ish read but gives a great explanation.

Essentially he is the result of an internal class war between the republican elites and their white working class, low-skill voting base.

http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2016/01/the-great-republican-revolt/419118/


I'll read it later, but I think Trump is more a result of being the leader in the backlash against political correctness.


I think that is only at a superficial level true. The deeper thing is that he is the anti-politician. People like that he is outrageous, they don't necessarily agree with what he is saying.

His comments go far far beyond being politically correct.


But they do agree with what he's saying. Why wouldnt they?
They're afraid of islamic terrorism. Why wouldnt they be? The news is 24-7 about new ISIS threats.
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trident wrote:
AzzaMarch wrote:
tbitm wrote:
AzzaMarch wrote:
Really good article explaining the Trump phenomenon. A long-ish read but gives a great explanation.

Essentially he is the result of an internal class war between the republican elites and their white working class, low-skill voting base.

http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2016/01/the-great-republican-revolt/419118/


I'll read it later, but I think Trump is more a result of being the leader in the backlash against political correctness.


I think that is only at a superficial level true. The deeper thing is that he is the anti-politician. People like that he is outrageous, they don't necessarily agree with what he is saying.

His comments go far far beyond being politically correct.


But they do agree with what he's saying. Why wouldnt they?
They're afraid of islamic terrorism. Why wouldnt they be? The news is 24-7 about new ISIS threats.


Yeah but he has said lots of stuff beyond Islamic terrorism. I'm sure a portion of his supporters do buy what he is saying completely.

My point is that he has a lot of support for the mere fact that he is saying outrageous things that p*ss off the party establishment.

Make no mistake, a lot of his support is based on the "main street" republicans wanting to give a big f*ck you to the republican party leadership.

The issue for the republicans is that "main street" republicans are far too small a group to win a general election.
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AzzaMarch wrote:
433 wrote:
AzzaMarch wrote:
Really good article explaining the Trump phenomenon. A long-ish read but gives a great explanation.

Essentially he is the result of an internal class war between the republican elites and their white working class, low-skill voting base.

http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2016/01/the-great-republican-revolt/419118/



That's it.

He uses a nationalist populist platform to appeal to the working class white voters who have been left behind by globalisation, whereas his competitors offer more of the same - job offshoring, corporate welfare, H1b's (457's here) and low skill immigration from places like Mexico to drive down wages.


I think on balance that globalisation is positive economically overall, as is immigration. However, the people that are voting for Trump are in the cohort of people that see the least of the benefits, and are on the receiving end of the costs.

Interestingly, they are generally pro-increasing taxes on the rich, which surprised me. They seem to be the type of people that would have voted Democrat in the past as they would likely have been unionised factory workers etc. But are now culturally alienated from the Democrats.

The bottom line of the article is that in a general election they are likely to get slaughtered.

The other interesting part was the questioning the value of the presidency overall, given the republican stranglehold on state legislatures and governorships.

Seems like the Republicans will continue to split at a national level.


The Presidency's prestige and appearance of power make it the ultimate prize, but the reality is that as long as the Republicans dominate state legislatures and Congress, they control the country.
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JP wrote:
AzzaMarch wrote:
433 wrote:
AzzaMarch wrote:
Really good article explaining the Trump phenomenon. A long-ish read but gives a great explanation.

Essentially he is the result of an internal class war between the republican elites and their white working class, low-skill voting base.

http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2016/01/the-great-republican-revolt/419118/



That's it.

He uses a nationalist populist platform to appeal to the working class white voters who have been left behind by globalisation, whereas his competitors offer more of the same - job offshoring, corporate welfare, H1b's (457's here) and low skill immigration from places like Mexico to drive down wages.


I think on balance that globalisation is positive economically overall, as is immigration. However, the people that are voting for Trump are in the cohort of people that see the least of the benefits, and are on the receiving end of the costs.

Interestingly, they are generally pro-increasing taxes on the rich, which surprised me. They seem to be the type of people that would have voted Democrat in the past as they would likely have been unionised factory workers etc. But are now culturally alienated from the Democrats.

The bottom line of the article is that in a general election they are likely to get slaughtered.

The other interesting part was the questioning the value of the presidency overall, given the republican stranglehold on state legislatures and governorships.

Seems like the Republicans will continue to split at a national level.


The Presidency's prestige and appearance of power make it the ultimate prize, but the reality is that as long as the Republicans dominate state legislatures and Congress, they control the country.


Yes - at the very least it gives a power of veto to prevent the other side doing anything legislatively.
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:lol: :lol:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MfrRzW-Yqog

Edited by fatboi-v-: 28/1/2016 10:54:36 AM

Edited by fatboi-v-: 28/1/2016 11:00:39 AM
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Oh the irony.
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That video is peak America :lol:

Insert Gertjan Verbeek gifs here

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Trump boycotting the debate because he won't take FOX's shit.

Absolutely based.
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433 wrote:
Trump boycotting the debate because he won't take FOX's shit.

Absolutely based.


He's boycotting the debate because he's dipped in the polls after every other debate, and this is Cruz's best chance to rip into him.

It's politically smart, but it's also entirely cowardly.
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I'm starting to think Trump is a secret genius - absolutely brilliant strategic move on his part to avoid the debate. Those who hate him won't change their minds.

Those that love him, love him because of his anti-politician persona. This is the ultimate "F**k you! I do what I want!" move. And the advantage is that he gets to completely avoid being exposed in an actual debate.

I'm tempted to think he will reveal himself to be a Stephen Colbert-esque parody on the eve of the first primary....
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He's unelectable.
He could be a practical joke to demonstrate how mindless the GOP are.
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JP wrote:
433 wrote:
Trump boycotting the debate because he won't take FOX's shit.

Absolutely based.


He's boycotting the debate because he's dipped in the polls after every other debate, and this is Cruz's best chance to rip into him.

It's politically smart, but it's also entirely cowardly.


Nope, he stated that there's a clear conflict of interest because the lady moderating has made it clear that she doesn't like Trump. Additionally, the FOX press release on the issue was incredibly childish and condescending, so he said "Fuck this, I'm leaving".

FOX News we're going to use it to ambush Trump and shill for Cruz (they were going to invite a YTer who said Trump = Hitler), so he did the expedient thing and simply pulled out. Why would he open himself up to attacks and biased moderation?

Besides, Trump destroyed Cruz last debate, especially with his lines on "New York values" and his eligibility question.

Then, CNN just announced that they will be televising a Trump event at exactly the same time. The man is a genius.

Edited by 433: 28/1/2016 04:27:47 PM
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433 wrote:
JP wrote:
433 wrote:
Trump boycotting the debate because he won't take FOX's shit.

Absolutely based.


He's boycotting the debate because he's dipped in the polls after every other debate, and this is Cruz's best chance to rip into him.

It's politically smart, but it's also entirely cowardly.


Nope, he stated that there's a clear conflict of interest because the lady moderating has made it clear that she doesn't like Trump.

FOX News we're going to use it to ambush Trump and shill for Cruz (they were going to invite a YTer who said Trump = Hitler), so he did the expedient thing and simply pulled out. Why would he open himself up to attacks and biased moderation?

Besides, Trump destroyed Cruz last debate, especially with his lines on "New York values" and his eligibility question.

Then, CNN just announced that they will be televising a Trump event at exactly the same time. The man is a genius.


Yep, which is why it makes political sense, but it is still utterly cowardly. Megan Kelly asked Trump some uncomfortable (but entirely reasonable) questions a few months back and so he's decided to cut and run rather than face more scrutiny. It's weak.

:lol: And his supporters still think that he's a "strong leader."
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Trump too afraid to confront a woman at a debate.
I guess girls win this round. Augers well for Hillary 2016. :)
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The problems plaguing Hillary Clinton’s 2016 presidential bid

January 30, 20163:55pm

IT is the question every politician hates. A curly one that none of them want to answer. The T question. What about trust?

Hillary Clinton’s time came exactly a week out from the first votes being cast in the race to the White House. This young millennial voter from Iowa had a question for the frontrunner.

“It feels like there is a lot of young people like myself who are very passionate supporters of Bernie Sanders,” Taylor Gipple said, referencing Clinton’s key opponent for the Democratic nomination.

“And I just don’t see the same enthusiasm from younger people for you. In fact, I’ve heard from quite a few people my age that they think you’re dishonest,” he says.

At the mention of the word “dishonest”, Clinton tilts her head, concerned.

Gipple forges on: “But I’d like to hear from you on why you feel the enthusiasm isn’t there.”

It was in that moment that a young voter cast a spotlight on one of the great questions of the 2016 race to the White House.

Where is the love for Hillary Clinton?

This was meant to be her election. It was hers to lose. And yet, just days away from the first primary votes being cast, she’s in a fight for her political life.

Lack of momentum

It has been dubbed an “enthusiasm gap”, this problem that’s plaguing Hillary Clinton.

In short, Americans aren’t that excited by the former First Lady turned Secretary of State. Although she may still be ahead in national polls, there is a creeping malaise in Clinton’s presidency bid.

In politics, momentum is everything. Take one look at Clinton’s campaign and it clear that while she has many things on her side in this fight, momentum isn’t one of them.

Back in July, when Donald Trump first came on the scene, polling aggregators had Clinton well ahead, at 53 per cent to his 33.

Now, they put Trump in striking distance — at 41 per cent to Clinton’s 44.

The story with her main rival for the Democratic nomination is almost identical.

In July, polls put Clinton at 57 per cent to Bernie Sanders’s 17.

On January 15, that had recalibrated to Clinton at 48 per cent, Sanders at 39.

It’s the very pattern that Clinton’s 2008 demons are made of. It was this time exactly eight years ago that Barack Obama seemed to come from nowhere to beat Clinton in the Iowa primaries. It was then that he stole the march to victory, with Clinton simply unable to recapture momentum.

This gradual creep up of her key opponents comes despite Clinton’s experience meaning that she’s undeniably running a well-oiled campaign machine.

She’s got celebrity endorsements, ample funding, a tightly-run message ship and delivers confident performance after confident performance.

Even at Monday night’s debate, in the face of curly questions like the one from Gipple, Clinton is relaxed, sharp and focused, almost always outshining her rivals.

And yet, she is struggling to maintain a lead in the democrat primaries. As of right now, Clinton still has her neck in front, but the gap is closing.

The old guard

The New York Timesthis week described Clinton has having an “animatronic plasticity”, which it said raised “questions of ambition versus authenticity”.

This idea of Clinton’s fundamental unrelateable-ness is partly the curse of political experience.

Americans have known Hillary Clinton for a long time. They first saw her on the regular back in 1992 as a young mum helping her husband campaign for the nation’s top job.

Later, they knew her as the jilted wife. The Senator. The failed presidential candidate. And finally, as Secretary of State.

This familiarity of Clinton as regular fixture of government brings with it the curse of tying her to the struggles that have plagued everyday Americans over the past two decades.

While Clinton’s years of preparation for the presidency should work in her favour, they have instead meant Americans don’t view her as an exciting candidate who can bring great change and make their nation better.

They believe they already know what she can do. Plus, this history means she’s bound up with baggage: her own, her husband’s and the legacies of the Obama administration.

Clinton’s struggles can be broadly categorised in two ways.

Firstly, there are the scandals that trouble her campaign: the emails, Benghazi, her husband.

Then, there is that non-tangible problem that’s harder to shake — this fundamental lack of enthusiasm in the electorate and the disdain for her ties to the past.

Clinton is the candidate with all the celebrity endorsements — people like Beyonce, Lena Dunham, Katy Perry, Magic Johnson and the Kardashian/West crew are all in her camp.

And yet, while hordes of Americans turn out in fever-pitch force at rallies for candidates like Trump and Sanders, Clinton doesn’t get the same reception.

It’s a malaise that can be partly racked up to an America firmly in the grips of an anti-establishment phase.

To everyday Americans, Clinton is the old guard.

A year ago, the common wisdom was that the race for the White House would be a dynastic one between two old, wealthy American political families: Clinton v Bush.

The idea was all but repulsive to swathes of middle class American who were wiped out and are yet to recover from the horror of the Global Financial Crisis.

These Americans see the dynastic families as having success handed to them.

And so, in this way, candidates like Trump and Sanders represent the American dream — they’ve forged their own path and represent a fundamental hope.

In 2014, Obama said in an interview with George Sephanopoulos that he believed American people wanted something fresh in the presidency.

“I think the American people, you know, they’re gonna want that new car smell,” he said.

“You know, their own — they wanna drive somethin’ off of the lot that doesn’t have as much mileage as me,” he said.

Obama was referring to the fact that after two terms as president, his time was done, paving the way for a new leader.

However, the remarks — months before Clinton even declared her intention to run — captured the very problem that would haunt her campaign.

Americans want something new, fresh, exciting. And that’s something Hillary Clinton just isn’t.

The most qualified candidate

Hillary Clinton’s whole life has been working towards this moment.

A young lawyer who sought to make lives better, she went on to become a politically fierce First Lady.

She was the first First Lady to have her own office in the West Wing, pushing health care onto the agenda.

Post White House, she became the first female senator for the state of New York before seeking a failed 2008 bid for the presidential nomination.

That failure wasn’t the end of career, with Clinton instead just ramping up, taking on the key Secretary of State role in the Obama administration.

It is this hard-nosed political history and front line experience that makes Clinton objectively the most qualified candidate for the top job.

Her husband said it best: “I do not believe in my lifetime anybody has run for this job in a moment of great importance who is better qualified by knowledge, experience and temperament to do what needs to be done,” Bill Clinton declared in January.

As well as the on paper success, Clinton has an instantly recognisable world wide brand.

She’s known simply as “Hillary” — an honour bestowed on only the world’s most famous women. Think Oprah, Beyonce, Madonna. And then, Hillary.

Not even Clinton’s husband managed such a feat of brand recognition.

The scandals

Despite her political experience, it is true that Clinton’s most publicised scandals are directly bound up with her time as Secretary of State.

Firstly, there’s her email scandal, with reports this week that the FBI was seeking an indictment.

It’s been a slow burn issue that doesn’t go away and haunts her campaign almost weekly.

It was in March last year that it was first revealed that Clinton used a private server for official email exchanges while she was Secretary of State.

As recently as this week, she was accused of using the sever for super high level intelligence information known as “special access programs”.

These types of messages are even more sensitive than top secret.

The email saga is bound up with the problem of her other key scandal — Benghazi.

On September 11, 2012, the US embassy came under attack in Benghazi, Libya, killing the US ambassador and three americans.

It was in investigations about what went wrong in Benghazi that Clinton’s use of the private server was revealed.

As Secretary of State, Clinton was accused on not properly assessing the security concerts at the embassy. She has largely been cleared of any official wrongdoing, but the stain on her reputation remains.

In politics, appearance means a lot. And so it was particularly painful for the Clinton campaign that the Michael Bay blockbuster 13 Hours: The Secret Soldiers Of Benghazi — depicting the horror of the Benghazi attacks from the perspective of those caught up in them — was released this January.

Sensing opportunity, Trump packed theatres in Iowa with voters, offering them free tickets to the dramatisation of one of Clinton’s soft spots.

Bill Clinton baggage

Another soft spot Trump has targeted is the sexual history of Clinton’s husband.

Clinton finds herself inextricably linked, through no wrongdoing of her own, to one of America’s most dramatic political dramas in recent decades.

While America appeared to forgive its 42nd president, his history has clung to his wife like bad baggage.

Despite this, Clinton has repeatedly mobilised her husband in her election efforts — the former president is considered one of the world’s all time great political campaigners.

On the trail, Mr Clinton exalts his wife’s virtues, talking through her policy ideas, talking up her experiences and recounting memories of how they met and fell in love.

But every appearance he makes is seized on by Trump and others and portrayed as evidence of why Hillary is bad for women.

“She’s got one of the great women abusers of all time sitting in her house, waiting for her to come home for dinner,” Trump said.

And: “She wants to accuse me of things and the husband is one of the great abusers of the world,” Trump said. “Give me a break.”

And again: “If Hillary thinks she can unleash her husband, with his terrible record of women abuse, while playing the women’s card on me, she’s wrong!”

Bill Clinton’s history is an albatross around his wife’s neck, which sees her opponents attempt to blunt any attack he is able to make on the campaign trail.

Worse for Clinton, this criticism is bound up with and plays into her very real statistical problem with women.

In theory, as a smart, successful and viable female candidate, she should have the support of the female liberal electorate.

But it just isn’t as clear cut as that, particularly with younger female voters.

A USA Today/Rock the Vote poll conducted this month has Sanders leading Clinton with young voters aged 18 to 34, with 46 per cent of the vote to her 35.

Narrow the poll to only women, and his lead was even more staggering — 50 per cent to Clinton’s 31.

There’s also the broader question of whether America is progressive enough to elect its first female president.

In Iowa, where Clinton is struggling to keep a lead on Sanders, the state only elected it’s first female member of congress in 2014.

Excitement factor fail

As Donald Trump capitalises on Clinton’s demons, Bernie Sanders has tried to harness her lack of the excitement factor.

Sanders declared this week “What this campaign is about, and I’m seeing it every day, is and excitement and energy that does not exist and will not exist in the Clinton campaign.”

So far, Sanders is right.

But does that mean one can’t become president?

The Clinton campaign for their bit are so angered by the enthusiasm critique that they have plastered their campaign offices with Sanders’s quote.

It’s meant to be motivational, and is accompanied with a day by day count down to the first votes in Iowa.

The campaign is also using Clinton’s husband to sell the message that she is a fresh, exciting candidate.

Mr Clinton repeatedly references his wife’s ability to make “change” — a clear attempt to separate Clinton from the establishment vibe that drags her down in the estimations of middle America.

“She’s a born changemaker and everything she ever touched she made better,” Mr Clinton told one rally.

And again: “It took my breath away when I realised 45 years ago that’s really what motivates her. She is walking, breathing change agent.”

Clinton will to continue to use her husband in her campaign strategy, and commentators say they are yet to see the former president bring the A-grade material he is so well known for.

This week Mr Clinton went for the attack on the republicans. Of their campaign, he said: “It may be entertaining, but it doesn’t have a lick of impact on how you live.”

Commentators lamented the lack of that special something that served Mr Clinton so well in campaigning almost two decades ago.

“The Clinton of lore, the one-in-a generation political natural … has yet to appear,” the New York Times wrote this week.

“Oh my god we’re gonna be president!”

Popular US comedy show Saturday Night Live featured a Clinton sketch late last year that was so loved it went viral on an international scale.

The sketch featured a Clinton impersonator laughing hysterically at the idea that her greatest competitors were Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders.

“Oh my god we’re gonna be president!” comedian Amy Poehler, playing Clinton, cackled.

The sketch poked fun at the absurdity of these two men being Clinton’s nearest rivals.

It went viral because voters related to the humour. And yet, Clinton now has the senator from Vermont breathing down her neck while Trump goes from strength to strength.

This was always Clinton’s election to lose.

Despite her narrowing gap, a recent poll showed most Americans still believe she will win.

The ABC News/Washington Post poll found 54 per cent of people believed she would win the top job if she went head to head against Trump. They give her a wider lead against rivals like Ted Cruz or Marco Rubio.

In theory, everything has been stacked in Clinton’s favour. Her experience, her politics and her celebrity support.

But theory doesn’t take in the complexity of the American relationship with the Clintons and establishment history.

This week, in response to young Iowan voter Taylor Gipple, Clinton reached for her experience to rebuff him.

“I have been around a long time and people have thrown all kinds of things at me and I can’t keep up with it,” she retorted.

“If you are new to politics and it’s the first time you’ve really paid attention, you go, ‘Oh my gosh, look at all of this’

“I have been on the frontline of change and politics since I was your age.”

And that might just be her problem.

http://www.news.com.au/world/north-america/the-problems-plaguing-hillary-clintons-2016-presidential-bid/news-story/51d9e8139c5c2554c9bc688547cd00cb
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NY Times have endorsed Clinton and Kasich respectively; both good choices I reckon. Obviously both Clinton and Sanders are better options than any Republican, but Kasich seems to be the most moderate of the bunch, and he also seems genuine, which is a rare quality in politics.
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:^o :-" :-"

[youtube]-dY77j6uBHI&t[/youtube]
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Very interesting article.

I think over here we sometimes underestimate the importance of generating enthusiasm in US elections. With compulsory voting, we don't have to enthuse people in order to get them to vote. You only need to get them to vote your way.

I think compulsory voting is a good safeguard against charisma being too much of a defining factor as to who gets voted for. And it also ensures that everyone's interests are more likely to be catered to, rather than those who vote in a voluntary system (old and rich).
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